And a completely impossible ultimatum from Austria-Hungary to Serbia. This led to the July Crisis. Justification for Serbia What ultimatum was put forward by Austria-Hungary to Serbia
It was assumed that Austria-Hungary would achieve its goals through diplomacy or local war if the ultimatum was rejected. The terms of the ultimatum were expressed in harsh tones.
Encyclopedic YouTube
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✪ Development of the revolution from the July crisis to October 1917
✪ Crises of the provisional government
✪ Professor of Moscow State Pedagogical University V.Zh. Tsvetkov in the program "In the name of the revolution. The beginning of the July political crisis"
✪ Professor of Moscow State Pedagogical University V.Zh. Tsvetkov in the program “In the Name of the Revolution. Completion of the July Crisis”
Subtitles
Origins of the crisis
Serbian nationalists regarded the appearance of the Austrian heir to the throne in the Balkans as an image of the enemy of all southern Slavs. Immediately after the murder, the investigation determined that all the terrorists were subjects of the Habsburg Empire and managed to obtain weapons from Serbia before the assassination attempt on Franz Ferdinand. Austrian investigators erroneously determined that the initiator of the action was the Serbian nationalist organization People's Defense; in fact, control over the operation was exercised by the head of Serbian intelligence, Dragutin Dimitrievich. Since the terrorists admitted that Serbian border guards helped them cross the border, the Austrians had good reason to accuse Serbia of terrorism. Some Austro-Hungarian politicians and military men believed that this problem needed to be solved by force, because the Serbian authorities, in their opinion, were doing everything to undermine the position of the monarchy on the Balkan Peninsula.
Austrian-Serbian relations
Position of Austria-Hungary
Austro-Hungarian political circles were worried about the influence that Serbia could not help but have on the Slavs living in the empire. Any attempts by the Serbs towards the slightest national separatism were regarded by the imperial authorities as a direct threat to the existence of the Austro-Hungarian state. The assassination of the Archduke became for Austria justification for aggressive actions against Serbia that could eliminate such a threat. In addition, the monarchy could no longer resist Serbia in occupying significant territories due to the Balkan Wars.
The head of the headquarters, Baron Franz Conrad von Goetzendorf, made a decision to immediately announce mobilization and thus force the Serbian government to exercise increased control over terrorist groups in order to stop such anti-Austrian actions. There was an argument against such a solution to the problem - the threat of military action against the Serbs could cause an outbreak of nationalism in the Czech Republic and lead to revolution.
The success of any action against Serbia depended on whether the Russian Empire came out in support of Serbia. The Austrian-Hungarian government feared this, but since the Bosnian crisis it had hoped for German support.
Soon, the Austrian-Hungarian Foreign Minister Count Berchtold and Konrad von Götzendorf decided to ask Germany for support. The Kaiser assured the Austrians that Austria could count on Germany's full support, even in the event of Russian intervention.
Austrian ultimatum to Serbia
At a meeting of the Council of Ministers of Austria-Hungary on July 7, Hungarian Prime Minister Count István Tisza announced that it had been decided to act against Serbia. On July 14, the Austrian government agreed with the Hungarian draft ultimatum, and on July 19, its text was finally approved. The ultimatum was to be delivered to the Serbian government on July 23rd.
According to this document, Serbia must agree to a number of conditions that are actually unacceptable for the state:
Austria believed that this particular moment for starting a war was the most favorable even in the event of Russian intervention, due to the fact that the latter was not yet ready for war. In this case, waiting several years turned out to be threatening, because the Russian Empire could strengthen its power during this time. Germany repeatedly stated its intentions to support the Austrians, but relied on the fear of Russian officials.
For three weeks after the assassination of Franz Ferdinand there were no signs that would indicate an international crisis; The commander of the Serbian army was vacationing at an Austrian resort at that time. Austria-Hungary delayed sending the ultimatum to Serbia because it wanted to give more time to stockpile food before the empire's economy suffered losses.
The Austrian-Hungarian Ambassador to France, Count Nikolaus Szechen von Temerin, reported to Vienna: “The radical compliance of Serbia, which is considered unacceptable here, made a strong impression. Our position gives rise to the opinion that we want war at any cost.”
Declaration of war on Serbia
On July 25, a meeting of the Council of Ministers was held under the chairmanship of Nicholas II in Krasnoye Selo, where military maneuvers took place, in the small summer palace of Grand Duke Nicholas Nikolaevich. It was decided “not to announce partial mobilization yet, but to take all preparatory measures for its speedy (partial mobilization) implementation if necessary.”
At this time, in Austria-Hungary and Germany there were reasons to believe that France was not very confident in supporting Russia, because the French government acted indecisively. However, the French ambassador in St. Petersburg, Maurice Paleologue, assured the Russians that France was ready to fulfill the obligations of its ally. On July 27, ministers of both sides expressed the hope that if war breaks out, the Russian command will urgently launch military operations in East Prussia. After Austria-Hungary declared war on Serbia on July 28, the situation worsened. The German government now directly threatened France, declaring the need to introduce a “state of threat of war,” which meant preparing for mobilization.
On the evening of July 29, German Chancellor Theobald Bettmann-Hollweg telegraphed Sazonov that further actions to mobilize Russia would force Germany to begin mobilizing in response, and then a European war could hardly be avoided. Kaiser Wilhelm II also sent a rather peaceful telegram to Nicholas II, declaring that, by putting pressure on the Austrians, he was making his last efforts to prevent war and hoped for understanding from Russia.
It was with this telegram from Wilhelm that Nicholas II’s hesitations were associated. But Sukhomlinov and Yanushkevich feared that Germany might mobilize before Russia, and therefore they decided to again convince the emperor through Sazonov of the need to announce a general mobilization. On the afternoon of July 30, Sazonov appeared before the emperor in Peterhof. Sazonov told the emperor that now “war cannot be avoided, since it was decided long ago in Vienna, and that in Berlin, where one could expect a word of admonition, they do not want to utter it, demanding from us capitulation to the Central Powers, which Russia would never forgive sovereign and which would cover the good name of the Russian people with shame”... Nicholas II, after a pause, exclaimed: “This means dooming hundreds of thousands of Russian people to death. How can you not stop before such a decision? After a long period of “unbearable moral tension,” the emperor finally said to Sazonov: “You are right. We have no choice but to wait for the attack. Give the Chief of the General Staff my order for (general) mobilization.”
General Dobrorolsky compiled a new mobilization telegram, indicating July 31 (18) as the first day of general mobilization. On the evening of July 30 (17), Dobrorolsky sent out this telegram.
Chronology of events
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But at 7 pm St. Petersburg time, the German ambassador Count Pourtales appeared to Sazonov and asked him three times if he could give assurances about the cessation of hostile preparations against Austria and Germany. After Sazonov’s three-time negative answer, he handed Sazonov a note declaring war. At this, Pourtales burst into tears and mistakenly handed over two versions of the notes, not very different from each other.
Between July 28 and July 31, events developed very rapidly. Gray still had certain hopes for successful mediation, but he soon realized that the Austrians would not yield anything to the Serbs. The diplomat's initiative failed, and there was no room left for Britain's political maneuvers. The problems facing the British government had changed: it now found itself, on the one hand, under increasing pressure from France and Russia to support them; and on the other, Germany wanted British neutrality.
On July 25, the British Ambassador in St. Petersburg, George Buchanan, informed Sazonov that with British support for France and Russia there would be no war. He later told the French that if Germany and France entered the war, Britain, which had taken all precautions, would not stand by. However, during negotiations with Germany, when Batman-Hollweg offered Britain neutrality, Gray began to doubt and, refusing the deal, explained this by the need to maintain freedom of action in a crisis. For a long time, the British feared that their active support of France and Russia would make the latter's government more intransigent and force it to abandon negotiations. On July 29, the Cabinet of Ministers admitted that it was impossible to remain on the sidelines any longer.
Belgian neutrality was guaranteed by international agreements by France and Prussia in 1839 and 1870. In addition, Britain announced that it was taking over the responsibility of the Belgian guarantor. In the last years before the war, the Belgian government stood aloof from the European alliances and constantly emphasized its neutral position, without turning to any country for support. However, in July the Belgians informed Britain that they intended to organize all possible resistance in case of violation of the neutrality and territorial integrity of the state.
Pressure on Britain
It was only when Germany occupied Luxembourg and news of a violation of the French border arrived that the British Cabinet reaffirmed its responsibilities for France and decided on its defense at sea in the event of a German fleet entering the English Channel or military operations against the French across the North Sea. The British Cabinet of Ministers stated that violation of Belgium's neutrality was a cause for war, but there was no talk yet of the British landing ground forces on the continent. The pressure of French diplomacy in this direction in the context of the mobilization of Russian and French forces for a long time did not lead to the expected consequences.
German-French relations
During August 2 and 3, rumors of military action in the West spread throughout Europe. Both the French and German governments mutually blamed each other. There were recorded cases of patrols crossing the border on both sides, and the press published reports that, after verification, turned out to be falsifications (for example, about the bombing of Nuremberg by a French airplane or deliberate infection with cholera).
On August 1, the Germans submitted a declaration that France should remain neutral in the war with Russia, but ordered their ambassador in Paris not to hand it over yet. There was disagreement over exactly how to convey declarations of war to France. Moltke and State Secretary of the Navy Alfred von Tirpitz did not see the need for this at all, because they hoped that France would be the first to begin hostilities. The French and German declarations came out within a few hours, one after the other, but unlike France, which could wait, the Germans had to hurry to successfully implement the Schlieffen Plan.
From then on, it was important for both Germany and France to explain the policy of war to their people and justify the need for it to be carried out to neutral states, which they hoped to draw into the conflict. The Germans, emphasizing that the Russians were the first to announce mobilization, tried to shift part of the blame onto Russia, although they were the ones who officially declared war. The move against France weakened their position, and the transmission of the declaration of war, together with the invasion of Belgium, made further German appeal to Britain impossible. After officially expressing the British position, Gray cabled Berlin on 3 August, insisting on the need to maintain Belgian neutrality. On the same day, Germany officially declared war on France. On 6 August, the British Cabinet finally agreed to send a British Expeditionary Force to France.
Italy's position
Italy was the only influential country that maintained a certain independence of action during the crisis. Italian Foreign Minister Marquis di San Giuliano watched with excitement, but with the intention of acting solely in the national interest. Formally, Italy was in an alliance with Germany and Austria-Hungary, which was restored in 1912. In reality, Italian-Austrian relations were strained due to Italian national interests in the empire, as well as the desire for the return of Trieste, South Tyrol and claims to the Dalmatian coast. In addition, conflicts constantly arose between the governments of both states over the newly created Albanian Principality, on the territory of which their strategic plans converged.
The Italian government was concerned about the uncertain nature of Austrian actions against Serbia. Some compensation for Italy may have been provided by Austria-Hungary's demand for Italian support. On July 9, during negotiations with the German ambassador, the Italian side was made to understand that without serious military support from Austria there was no hope for territorial concessions. Italy until recently refused to accept such obligations due to the fact that it did not make sense for it and hoped to avoid war, although this did not prevent it from seeing Austria-Hungary and Germany as its allies (plans for cooperation and joint military actions on both fronts and at sea were still being developed). The Italians were confident that with Britain entering the war, the Italian coasts would be attacked and trade destroyed; Along with this, there was strong anti-Austrian public opinion.
After much deliberation, on August 2, the Italian government decided by a slight majority to remain neutral. San Giuliano hoped that he would subsequently be able to pursue a neutral policy without formally leaving the Triple Alliance, but Austria-Hungary regarded such attempts as blackmail.
Today, 100 years ago... in the morning, Gavrilo Princip shot Archduke Franz Ferdinand.
It was from this moment that a movement of strength and powerlessness began, which still largely determines the roles of those who are now participating in this movement
photos and story from Wiki under the cut (and I’ll add that when you start digging, even Wiki reveals interesting details)
On the morning of June 28, 1914, Franz Ferdinand and his escort traveled by train from Ilidza to Sarajevo. He was met at the Sarajevo station by Governor Oskar Potiorek. Six cars were waiting for the Archduke. By mistake, three local police officers ended up in the first car with the Archduke's chief security officer, while the other security officers remained behind. In the second car were the mayor and the head of the police of Sarajevo. The third in the cortege was an open top car from Gräf & Stift, model 28/32 PS.
In this car were Franz Ferdinand with Sophia, Potiorek, as well as the owner of the car, Lieutenant Colonel Franz von Harrach. In accordance with the stated program, the first event was an inspection of the barracks. At 10:00 the Archduke and his retinue left the barracks and went to the town hall via the Appel embankment.
Danilo Ilic positioned him in front of the Mostar cafe and armed him with a grenade, but Mehmedbašić failed the attack. Ilić placed Čubrilović next to him and armed him with a pistol and a grenade, but he also failed the attack. Further along the Archduke's route, on the opposite side of the street next to the river Ilic, he positioned Čabrinović and armed him with a grenade.
At 10:10, Franz Ferdind's car caught up with Čabrinović and he threw a grenade. The grenade bounced off the convertible top of the car (at that moment folded) onto the road. The grenade exploded as the next vehicle approached, leaving a crater 1 foot (0.3 m) in diameter and 6.5 inches (0.17 m) deep at the explosion site, injuring a total of 20 people.
Chabrinovic swallowed a poison pill and jumped into the river. The suicide was unsuccessful: the poison pill only caused vomiting (probably the dose was too small or instead of potassium cyanide the pill contained a weaker poison), and the river turned out to be shallow due to the hot summer. The police pulled Čabrinović from the river, after which the crowd severely beat him and only then took him into custody.
The Archduke ordered the car to be stopped and ordered that the wounded be given first aid. At this time, crowds of people blocked the car from other conspirators. The cortege hastily moved towards the Town Hall. Popovich, Princip and Robber were unable to do anything due to the fact that the motorcade rushed past them at high speed. The attempt seemed to have failed.
Upon arrival at the Town Hall, Franz Ferdinand lost his composure. The mayor of Sarajevo, Fehim Curcic, who did not yet know about what had happened, addressed the Archduke with a welcoming speech, but he abruptly interrupted him: “Mr. Mayor, I arrived in Sarajevo on a friendly visit, and someone threw a bomb at me. It's outrageous!". Then Duchess Sophia whispered something to her husband, and after a pause Franz Ferdinand said to the mayor: “Now you can speak.” The Archduke calmed down and the mayor made a speech. Franz Ferdinand was forced to wait for his speech to be delivered to him, which was in a car that was blown up. To the text prepared in advance, he added several comments about the events of that day, in which he thanked the people of Sarajevo for their attitude towards what happened.
Local authorities and the Archduke's retinue discussed what to do next. Baron Morsi suggested leaving Sarajevo. In response, Potiorek said: “Do you think Sarajevo is infested with murderers?” Franz Ferdinand and Sophia abandoned the further program and decided to visit the wounded in the hospital. Count Harrach took a defensive position on the left step of the Archduke's car. This is also confirmed by photographs taken in front of the Town Hall. At 10:45 the Archduke and his wife found themselves back in their car. To get to the hospital without going through the city center, Potiorek decided to send a motorcade along the Appel embankment. However, the driver, Leopold Loika, turned right onto Franz Josef Street. The reason for his actions was that Potiorek's assistant Erich von Merrizzi was in the hospital at that time, and no one conveyed new orders to Loika.
"Schiller's Delicacies" (1908).
Having learned that the first assassination attempt had failed, Princip decided to attack the Archduke on his way back and changed his location. He took up a position in front of a nearby grocery store, Moritz Schiller's Delicatessen, not far from the Latin Bridge. 
When Franz Ferdinand's car caught up with Princip, he stepped forward and fired two shots from a distance of about one and a half meters from a Belgian-made semi-automatic pistol 9x17 mm (0.380 ACP) "Fabrique Nationale" model 1910. The terrorists were issued pistols with serial numbers 19074, 19075 , 19120 and 19126; The principle used #19074. The first bullet wounded the Archduke in the jugular vein, the second hit Sophia in the stomach.
Sarajevo court. Gavrilo Princip in the center in the first row; Danilo Ilic is on the far left in the front row. 
Report of the Russian military agent in Austria-Hungary, Colonel Wieneken, about the murder. June 15 (28), 1914 
("Serbia must die!"; last word changed to rhyme).
Propaganda cartoon shows Austria's hand destroying a Serbian terrorist. 
I recall the demands of the July Ultimatum - presented by Austria-Hungary to Serbia on July 23, 1914 after the assassination of Archduke Ferdinand on June 28, 1914.
The ultimatum was considered impossible to implement and was apparently supposed to serve as a casus belli for starting a war against Serbia.
Requirements of the ultimatum (Serbia was not ready to fulfill only point 5)
1.Ban publications that promote hatred of Austria-Hungary and violation of its territorial integrity
2.Close the “Narodna Odbrana” society and all other unions and organizations conducting propaganda against Austria-Hungary
3.Exclude anti-Austrian propaganda from public education
4. Dismiss from military and public service all officers and officials involved in anti-Austrian propaganda
5. Allow public services of the Austro-Hungarian Empire to operate on the territory of Serbia to suppress any anti-Austrian activities.
6. Conduct an investigation against each of the participants in the Sarajevo murder with the participation of the Austrian government in the investigation
7. Arrest Major Vojislav Tankosić and Milan Ciganović, involved in the Sarajevo murder
8. Take effective measures to prevent the smuggling of weapons and explosives into Austria, arrest the border guards who helped the murderers cross the border
9. Make an explanation about the hostile statements of Serbian officials towards Austria-Hungary in the period after the murder
10.Inform the Austrian government without delay about the measures taken in accordance with the previous paragraphs.
Of the ten points of the ultimatum, Serbia accepted all except the 5th, which meant the actual occupation of Serbia
a film about Princip (he's actually a hero in Serbia)
Princip could not be sentenced to death because at the time of the murder he was a few weeks shy of 20 years old (according to Austro-Hungarian law, he was a minor). He was sentenced to the maximum possible term of 20 years in prison. He was kept in prison under difficult conditions and died of tuberculosis on April 28, 1918 in Theresienstadt.
Controversies between the leading European powers
Intensifying struggle for sources of raw materials and markets
Germany's desire to redistribute an already divided world
2. Goals of European countries
Germany: defeat Russia, France; capture the French colonies and the Baltic states and Polish lands
Austria-Hungary: subjugate the Balkan states
Russia: take control of the Black Sea straits and establish itself in the Balkans
- England and France: stop the German expansion(expanding the sphere of domination, influence, spreading something beyond its original limits)
Cause of war: the assassination of the Archduke, heir to the Austro-Hungarian throne Franz Ferdinand in Sarajevo (the capital of Bosnia) on June 28, 1914 by the Serbian revolutionary Gavrilo Princip
And a completely impossible ultimatum from Austria-Hungary to Serbia. This led to the July Crisis.
- Started July 28, 1914
- Ended November 11, 1918
- Location: Europe, Africa and the Middle East
- briefly in China and the Pacific Islands
- The participating countries lost more than 10 million soldiers and about 12 million civilians, about 55 million people were wounded
- 33 states and 1.5 billion people participated.
- The name World War I was established in historiography only after the outbreak of World War II in 1939. During the interwar period, the name “Great War” was used; in the Russian Empire it was also called the “Great War,” “Second Patriotic War,” “Great Patriotic War,” and also informally (both before and after the revolution) - “German”; then in the USSR - the “imperialist war”.
4. Beginning and course of the First World War
| date | Western Front | Eastern front |
| August 1, 1914 | July 28, 1914 A-B declared war on Serbia August 3, 1914 Germany declared war on France August 4, 1914 England entered the war on August 4, 1914. Japan declared war on Germany | Germany declared war on Russia |
| August 2 – 4 August 24 | The Schliefen Plan and the German invasion of Belgium, and then Germany crossed the French-Belgian border and launched an attack on Paris | |
| Aug 4 – 2 Sep. 1914 | Defeat of Russian troops in the East Prussian operation. The armies of Samsonov and Renenkampf were defeated | |
| September 1914 | Battle on the river Marne and the defeat of German troops in France | |
| August-November 1914 | Galician operation on the southwestern front, defeat of the Austro-Hungarian troops, Russia occupied Galicia | |
| October 1914 | Turkey's entry into the war against Russia: the defeat of Turkish troops in Transcaucasia | |
| 1915 | Transition to strategic defense, transformation of war into positional | The offensive of German-Austrian troops in Galicia and the ousting of Russia from Galicia, the Baltic states, Ukraine and Belarus |
| 1915 | Formation of the Quadruple Alliance (Germany, A-B, Türkiye and Bulgaria) | Changes in the composition of the Entente (Great Britain, France, Russia and Italy) |
| 1916 | Battle of Verdun (meat grinder) during the year (more than 1,000,000 dead) | The Brusilovsky breakthrough (120 km deep) brought Austria-Hungary to the brink of disaster |
| July 1 - November 18, 1916 | The Battle of the Somme and the defeat of German troops (up to 1,000,000 dead in total) | |
| May 1916 | Jutland naval battle and the victory of the English fleet; Announcement by Germany | |
| unlimited submarine warfare | 1917 February 1917 Oct. 1917 | US entry into the war |
| A nationwide crisis in the country, desertion in the army, the collapse of the fronts; | in February a bourgeois-democratic revolution took place and the tsar abdicated the throne; | |
| Proletarian revolution in Russia, the Bolsheviks came to power | March 1918 | |
| Conclusion of the Brest-Litovsk separate treaty between Germany and Soviet Russia | August 1918 November |
5. The offensive of the Entente troops on the Marne and the defeat of the German troops Bulgaria and Turkey dropped out of the war Revolution in Germany and the overthrow of the monarchy
November 11, 1918
The Armistice of Compiègne is signed, World War I ends
Germany was pleased, but still Austria-Hungary practically thwarted German plans. Berlin's policy was based on "calculated risk" (Bettmann-Hollweg's expression), calculated on the rapid actions of Austria-Hungary. Bethmann-Hollweg hoped that Austria-Hungary would deliver a lightning strike and present the European powers with a fait accompli, and German support would neutralize Russia. If this failed, he was ready for a continental war, which envisaged a quick defeat of France, followed by an attack on Russia, which, as we know, could not quickly bring its forces into action. This was the well-known plan of General Schlieffen, developed back in 1905, who planned the lightning defeat of France and then quickly transfer part of the troops to the east against Russia. The blitzkrieg was supposed to take no more than three weeks.
The calculation turned out to be wrong. The British government was not going to stand aside. Berlin quickly realized this. And yet - even the belated determination of Austria-Hungary was used in the diplomatic game of German diplomacy. She was waiting for Russia to announce a mobilization that could be used to accuse it of turning a local conflict into a pan-European war.
The Serbian answer puzzled the Kaiser: it expressed readiness to satisfy all the demands of the Austrians, with the exception of the “temporary occupation of part of Serbia.” He decided to take advantage of the Serbs' refusal to accept the key point of the Austrian ultimatum and began preparations for decisive actions. However, on the night of July 29-30, he was shocked by the news that Russia had announced a partial mobilization of its army in response to the mobilization of the Austrian one. This changed the situation dramatically.
Mobilization of any kind is a dangerous political weapon, because... equals a declaration of war. The German army leadership was alarmed. The possibility that the Russians were ahead with mobilization and were the first to begin military action could disrupt the implementation of the Schlieffen Plan and put Germany in a dangerous position. Therefore, the Chief of the German General Staff, General Helmuth von Moltke (1848-1916), demanded immediate mobilization and the start of military action against France. The Kaiser clearly supported the military, but Bethmann-Hollweg still decided to probe the British position.
That same night, he urgently roused the English ambassador Sir William Goschen (1847-1924) from his bed and, in a conversation with him, emphasized that in the event of war, Germany would not claim territorial annexations at the expense of France, even as a result of a victorious war. He also informed the ambassador that Germany would respect the neutrality of the Netherlands if other states did the same. The unity of Belgium will be restored if it does not participate in the war on the side of Germany's enemies.
The British ambassador could hardly suppress his amazement as he listened to Bethmann-Hollweg's speeches. British Foreign Secretary E. Gray called it a “dishonest” proposal and concluded that Germany had decided to go to war, but was hesitating for fear that England would come to the aid of France and Belgium. The British response came unexpectedly quickly and destroyed German illusions like a house of cards. Prince Likhnovsky reported that Gray once again advised holding a four-party conference. However, he made it clear that in the event of a military conflict, England would support France. The answer was categorical and sounded like a bolt from the blue. The Chancellor decided to change course. He forwarded a London message to Vienna, recommending acceptance of the British offer of mediation, but at the same time not insisting on it. This was nothing new for Vienna, however, in Bethmann-Hollweg's accompanying letter there was a deep hint that Germany might not support Austria-Hungary if it accepted the British offer.
On July 31, it became known in Berlin that Russia had already begun general mobilization and by noon official confirmation of this fact had been received. Russian Foreign Minister Sazonov convinced the Tsar to sign the decree. On the same day, the Tsar sent a letter to Berlin, in which he assured the Kaiser that the troops would not take any action while negotiations about Serbia were ongoing. In response, the Kaiser demanded that the Tsar announce the cancellation of all military preparations within twelve hours. It sounded like an ultimatum that was supposed to justify German military preparations. If the tsar had retreated, he would have abandoned Serbia to the mercy of fate and lost all influence not only in the Balkans, but also in Europe. But for Moltke and his circle, the ultimatum had a much broader meaning. He knew that due to Russian slowness and transport and road problems, Russia could afford to delay negotiations, at the same time he assumed that Germany could lose everything if it did not immediately launch an attack on France and Belgium until the main Russian forces were deployed . Therefore, he insisted on an immediate declaration of war on Russia and the Chancellor supported him. At the same time, Bethmann-Hollweg drew up a declaration on the evening of July 31 declaring war on Russia; at night she went to St. Petersburg to be presented to the Russian government at 5 o'clock. evenings. The German army began to concentrate in East Prussia and on the border with Belgium.
On August 2, Germany presented an ultimatum to Belgium, which in harsh tones and expressions demanded that the Belgian government allow German troops through its territory, which were supposed to protect German vital interests. On August 3, Germany declared war on France, and on August 4, German troops entered Belgian territory. That same evening, Gray presented an ultimatum to Germany, demanding that the offensive in Belgium be stopped. For England, guaranteed Belgian neutrality was a symbol of legitimate order in Europe. England was the guarantor of this neutrality and was obliged to defend it. English liberals supported Gray's position; for him this was more than enough to gain the support of English public opinion. Belgian neutrality was at the same time the basis of its own security.
The wars of the twentieth century had one important feature - it was impossible to count on success without enlisting the support of public opinion. Both the Tsarist and Kaiser governments sought to create a rise in public opinion that would enable them to declare war in defense of their fatherland. In Berlin, they needed the votes of the Social Democrats in the Reichstag, where they constituted an influential faction, and in St. Petersburg they sought the favorable attitude of the State Duma and the Slavophiles. Soldiers could not be sent to war by orders alone; they had to be inspired to war, and public opinion was the most important means in shaping the appropriate morale of the army. Apparently, this was the main reason for such hasty actions by the German ruling circles. Bethmann-Hollweg constantly hurried his employees in preparing the text of the declaration of war on Russia. When asked why he was in such a hurry, he replied: “Otherwise I won’t get the Social Democrats” 25.
9 min read
Austria-Hungary published the text of a deliberately unenforceable ultimatum to Serbia
NEW TIME
Events of the day
Austria sent an ultimatum to Belgrade demanding the suppression of the Great Serbian movement and specifying a 48-hour period for a response.
The Austrian envoy in Belgrade received orders to leave Belgrade if a response from Serbia to all Austrian demands was not received.
The Buckingham Conference ended inconclusively.
The German company Vulcan received permission from Holland to build a port in Vlaardingen on the Meuse (ST).
In Swinemünde, the steamship Berlin collided with the tugboat Ostsee. "Ostsee" was cut into two parts, "Berlin" began to sink. Passengers were rescued and some were injured.
The English House of Commons adopted the financial bill in the third reading.
A meeting of the Council of Ministers was held on the ultimatum sent by Austria to Serbia.
The Russian ambassador to Austria, Shebeko, hastily left for Vienna.
The Russian charge d'affaires in Vienna was instructed to propose to the Austrian government to extend the ultimatum to Serbia, since Russia was not familiar with the contents of the note. All Great Powers and Romania are invited to join this statement.
In Pskov, the foundation stone of the church-monument of St. Princess Olga (S.t.).
15,000 workers went on strike in Warsaw.
Port workers went on strike in Libau.
Austrian ultimatum
The Austro-Hungarian government made the following statement to the Serbian government:
“Serbia recognized that its rights were not affected by the fait accompli created in Bosnia and Herzegovina, and that, therefore, it will comply with the decisions that will be taken by the Powers in relation to Article 25 of the Berlin Treaty. Submitting to the advice of the Great Powers, Serbia undertook henceforth to abandon the position of protest and opposition, on the question of annexation, which she had occupied since last autumn, and undertook, in addition, to change the course of her present policy towards Austria-Hungary, in order to henceforth maintain with the said power good neighborly relations. Meanwhile, the history of recent years and in particular the regrettable event of June 15 (according to the old style, according to the new style - June 28, the day of the murder in Sarajevo - RP) have proven the existence in Serbia of a revolutionary movement aimed at seizing some parts of its territory from the Austro-Hungarian monarchy .
This movement, which arose before the eyes of the Serbian government, eventually reached the point where it began to manifest itself outside the territory of the kingdom in acts of terrorism, in a series of assassination attempts and murders. The Royal Serbian government not only failed to fulfill the formal obligations contained in the declaration of March 18 (31), 1909, but did not even take any measures to suppress this movement.
It allowed the criminal activities of various societies and organizations directed against the monarchy, a dissolute tone in the press, the glorification of the perpetrators of the assassination attempt, the participation of officers and officials in revolutionary uprisings, harmful propaganda in educational institutions, and finally, it allows all manifestations that could arouse hatred in the Serbian population towards the monarchy and contempt for its institutions.
This criminal tolerance of the Royal Serbian Government did not cease even when the events of last June 15th showed the whole world its deplorable consequences. From the testimony and confessions of the perpetrators of the criminal attempt on June 15, it is clear that the Sarajevo murder was prepared in Belgrade, that the weapons and explosives with which the murderers were supplied were delivered to them by Serbian officers and officials belonging to the people's defense, and that, finally, the move criminals with weapons into Bosnia was organized and carried out by the commanders of the Serbian border guard.
The indicated results of the investigation do not allow the Austro-Hungarian government to continue to maintain the wait-and-see and patient position that it occupied for a number of years in relation to the actions planned in Belgrade and propagated from there within the territory of the monarchy. These results, on the contrary, place upon him the duty of putting an end to propaganda, which is a constant threat to the tranquility of the monarchy. To achieve this goal, the Austro-Hungarian government is forced to ask the Serbian government to officially declare that it condemns propaganda directed against the Austro-Hungarian monarchy, i.e. the entire set of tendencies that make up this propaganda, and that it undertakes to take all measures to suppress this criminal and terrorist propaganda. In order to give a particularly solemn character to this commitment, the Royal Serbian Government will publish on the front page of the official organ of July 26 (13) the following statement:
“The Royal Serbian Government condemns the propaganda directed against Austria-Hungary, i.e. a set of tendencies with the ultimate goal of separating parts of its territory from the Austro-Hungarian monarchy, and sincerely regrets the regrettable consequences of these criminal actions. The Royal Government regrets that Serbian officers and Serbian officials participated in the above-mentioned propaganda and thus compromised the good neighborly relations which the Royal Government solemnly pledged to maintain in its declaration of March 18 (31), 1909. The Royal Government, while also condemning the actions of the population of a certain part of Austria-Hungary, considers it its duty to formally warn the officers and officials and the entire population of the kingdom that henceforth it will take the most severe measures against persons guilty of such actions, which the government will do its best to prevent and suppress "
This declaration will be immediately announced to the troops by order of His Majesty the King in the Army and will be published in the official military organ.
The Royal Government further undertakes:
1) Do not allow any publications that incite hatred and contempt for the monarchy and are imbued with a general tendency directed against its territorial integrity.
2) Immediately close the society called “Narodnaya Odbrana”, confiscate all means of propaganda of this society and take the same measures against other societies and institutions in Serbia engaged in propaganda against the Austro-Hungarian monarchy. The Royal Government will take the necessary measures to prevent the formation of such societies again.
3) Immediately exclude from the curricula of educational institutions operating in Serbia, both in terms of teaching personnel and methods of teaching, everything that serves or could serve to spread propaganda against Austria-Hungary.
4) Remove from the military and administrative service in general all officers and officials guilty in relation to the Austro-Hungarian monarchy, whose names the Austro-Hungarian government reserves the right to inform the Serbian government, along with an indication of the acts they committed.
5) Allow the cooperation of Austro-Hungarian authorities in Serbia in suppressing the revolutionary movement directed against the territorial integrity of the monarchy.
6) Conduct a judicial investigation against the participants in the June 15 conspiracy located on Serbian territory, and persons sent by the Austro-Hungarian government will take part in the searches caused by this investigation.
7) Urgently arrest Commandant Voj-Tankesic, a certain Milan Ciganovic, an official of the Serbian civil service, compromised by the results of the Sarajevo investigation.
8) Take effective measures to prevent the assistance of the Serbian authorities in the illegal trade in arms and explosives across the border and also dismiss and severely punish the border guard officials in Sabac and Loznica who are guilty of assisting the leaders of the Sarajevo assassination attempt by facilitating their passage across border.
9) Give the Austro-Hungarian government an explanation regarding the completely unjustifiable statements of the highest Serbian officials, both in Serbia and abroad, who, despite their official position, allowed themselves, after the assassination attempt on June 15, to speak in hostile terms in interviews attitude towards the Austro-Hungarian monarchy.
10) Without delay, notify the Austro-Hungarian government of the implementation of the measures specified in the previous paragraphs.
The Austro-Hungarian government expects a response from the royal government until 6 pm on Saturday 12 (25) of the current month. A memoir containing the results of the Sarajevo investigation, insofar as it concerns the officials mentioned in paragraphs 7 and 8, is attached to this note and reads: “The judicial investigation carried out by the Sarajevo court in the case of Gavrilo Princip and the accomplices of the main murderer regarding the crime committed by them 15 last June, has so far established the following circumstances: 1) that the conspiracy aimed at assassinating Archduke Franz Ferdinand during his stay in Sarajevo was organized in Belgrade by Gavrilo Princip, Nedeljko Gabrinovic, a certain Milan Tsyganovich and Trifko Grabec with the assistance of the commandant of the Military. Tankesich; 2) that six bombs and four Brownings with supplies, with the help of which the attackers carried out the assassination attempt, were handed over in Belgrade to Princip, Gabrinovic and Grabec by a certain Milan Ciganovic and Commandant Voja Tankesic; 3) that these bombs are hand grenades from the Serbian military warehouses of Kragujevac; 4) that in order to ensure the success of the assassination attempt, Tsyganovich taught Princip, Gabrinovic and Grabec how to use grenades and in the forest near the Topshibir shooting range taught Princip and Grabec how to shoot from a revolver; 5) that for the provision of Princip, Gabrinovich and G slave the possibility of crossing the border of Bosnia and Herzegovina and secretly importing their weapons there, Tsyganovich organized a system of secret transportation. According to this organization, the importation of their weapons into Bosnia and Herzegovina by the criminals was carried out by border commanders in Šabac (Radoj Popović) and in Loznica, as well as by customs officials Rudiva Grbic in Loznica, with the assistance of various private individuals. (Correspondence Bureau).
Conversation with the Serbian envoy
The Serbian envoy in St. Petersburg, Mr. Spojlakovic, says the following regarding the Austrian ultimatum presented to the Serbian government:
This ultimatum can be divided into two parts: legal and political.
The first concerns the sad event that happened in Sarajevo. From the very beginning, the Belgrade authorities said that they were ready to punish those individuals who participated in the conspiracy. Such issues are resolved through mutual negotiations between the governments concerned and in this case there can be no misunderstandings. Let the Austrians provide the information they have and point out the persons against whom they have obtained strong evidence exposing their criminal activities, and then, without delay, as I have already noted, the necessary measures will be taken by Serbia.
Now let's touch on the second part of the ultimatum, which I call political. I especially insist that the question of Bosnia and Herzegovina was the subject of negotiations between the interested European cabinets, and therefore it seems to me that the whole question of failure to fulfill the obligations assumed by Serbia should be considered by the same European governments, which will determine how fair the accusation raised is. Austria to Serbia.
In fact, it is impossible for Austria to be the accuser and the judge! It goes without saying, of course, that in this state of affairs, when the national feelings of the monarch and his people are affected, the Serbs cannot stop halfway and will make the decisions that their conscience and their duty dictate to them.
Diplomatic news
It has been a long time since there has been such excitement in the press department of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs as today. Judging by its form and everything that is said there, this document cannot but arouse a negative attitude from the St. Petersburg ruling circles.
As far as I know,” the diplomat continues, “all our sympathies in this case are on the side of Serbia, especially since it quite loyally agrees to pursue the attackers who took part in the conspiracy on the life of Archduke Franz Ferdinand. The Russian government takes the side of Serbia, which undeservedly suffers such a heavy blow.
I have received information from foreign diplomatic circles that the appearance of the ultimatum is due solely to the influence that the head of the political department of the Austrian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Count Forgatsch, currently has in Vienna. This diplomat, not without reason, is considered a staunch enemy of Serbia. In this case, this diplomat found support in the chief of the Austrian general staff, General von Götzendorf. Some opposition provided by [Austrian Foreign Minister] Count Berchtold was not successful, and the head of the political department turned out to be stronger than his immediate boss. By the way, Count Forgacs personally edited the ultimatum published today, which found special approval from Count Tissa.
There are currently no representatives of the Triple Entente powers in Belgrade. As you know, the Russian envoy N.G. Hartwig passed away; the French envoy fell ill and left the Serbian capital; The English envoy is enjoying his vacation. Representatives of the Triple Alliance [Germany, Austria-Hungary and Italy] are all in Belgrade.
Late at night we were told that tomorrow a severance of diplomatic relations between Austria and Serbia was expected.
The Serbian envoy in St. Petersburg, Mr. Spojlakovic, arrived today urgently from Finland, where he lives in his dacha. Today at 6 o'clock in the afternoon Mr. Spoilakovich had an hour-long conversation with the Minister of Foreign Affairs S.D. Sazonov.
PARIS. (Sob.Kor). The Journal des Debats says: “The assassination attempt being prepared against Serbia is unacceptable. Serbia must agree to all demands compatible with its independence, carry out an investigation and identify those responsible, but if more is demanded from it, then it has the right to refuse and, if force is used against it, then Serbia will not in vain appeal to the public opinion of Europe and about support of the great powers who have set themselves the task of maintaining balance.”
VEIN. The Correspondenz-Bureau reports: “The unshakable determination shown by the Austro-Hungarian government in yesterday's speech in Belgrade, as is clear from the reports of the evening newspapers, aroused general and unanimous approval throughout the entire monarchy. Reports coming from the provinces unanimously state that the step taken yesterday by Austria-Hungary acted as a revitalizing agent after the general depression that existed since the Sarajevo crime.”
BERLIN. The Austrian note made a stunning impression here. No one expected such a sharp version of the note. “Vossische Zeitung” writes: “With rare frankness in diplomatic relations, Austria accuses the Belgrade government of inciting the Sarajevo crime in the name of Greater Serbia. We consider it impossible for Serbia to agree to the conditions set.” The Berliner Lokal Anzeiger says: “The note was dictated with anger, even the patience of the old Emperor [of Austria-Hungary] was exhausted. Of course, the note will give the impression of a slap in the face in Belgrade, but Serbia will accept the humiliating demands, or the Austrian guns, which have been loaded so long ago and so often, will fire themselves. Belgrade's attempts to turn to St. Petersburg for help will be in vain. The German people will breathe a sigh of relief. He welcomes the determination of the Viennese ally and will prove his loyalty in the coming days."
BERLIN. The German press devotes very little attention to [President of France] Poincaré's visit to St. Petersburg, but the official "Berliner Lokalanzeiger", which is read in the highest spheres of Germany, breaks the record of indecency by declaring that the President laid a silver sword on the tomb of Emperor Alexander III, which is apparently a symbol either that France provides its armed forces to Russia, but in this case the silver sword could not withstand the steel blades of Solingen used in the German army, or that France does not provide either steel or iron, but only money.
Strikes
BAKU. Printed leaflets that appeared among the workers, calling on behalf of a group of non-party workers to go to work and end the strike, did not meet with sympathy. The number of strikers has increased slightly. The mechanical factories of the urban area are idle.
The Triple Entente [Entente] means peace and protection of one's own; the triple alliance [of Germany, Austria-Hungary and Italy] means attack and seizure of someone else's. In these rough terms we recently identified the main difference between these two political combinations. The Austrian ultimatum published today was written as if with the direct purpose of confirming our determination. Austria covets what belongs to others and considers its desire to be a sufficient reason for war. We know of no other example of such an open violation of not only law, but even simple decency. The Austrian verbal note presents ten demands to the Serbian government, all of which are obviously unfulfillable. Serbia has been given a period of 48 hours to fulfill all these requirements. Why so many? They cannot be fulfilled either in 48 hours, or in 48 days, or in 48 months.
A government that, out of fear of war, agreed to fulfill these impudent demands in 48 hours would cease to be a government in another 48 hours. The best response to these threats are two Russian government messages. It says that Russia cannot look indifferently at the endangered situation of Serbia.
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